History of the World/History of the World (Bureau Development, Inc.)(1992).BIN/dp/0170/01703.txt

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$Unique_ID{how01703}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire
Part II.}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Gibbon, Edward}
$Affiliation{}
$Subject{emperor
leo
years
life
might
son
constantinople
first
palace
constantine}
$Date{1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)}
$Log{}
Title:       History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire
Book:        Chapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.
Author:      Gibbon, Edward
Date:        1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)

Part II.

     In rewarding his allies, and recalling his wife, Justinian displayed some
sense of honor and gratitude; ^* and Terbelis retired, after sweeping away a
heap of gold coin, which he measured with his Scythian whip.  But never was
vow more religiously performed than the sacred oath of revenge which he had
sworn amidst the storms of the Euxine.  The two usurpers (for I must reserve
the name of tyrant for the conqueror) were dragged into the hippodrome, the
one from his prison, the other from his palace.  Before their execution,
Leontius and Apsimar were cast prostrate in chains beneath the throne of the
emperor; and Justinian, planting a foot on each of their necks, contemplated
above an hour the chariot-race, while the inconstant people shouted, in the
words of the Psalmist, "Thou shalt trample on the asp and basilisk, and on the
lion and dragon shalt thou set thy foot!" The universal defection which he had
once experienced might provoke him to repeat the wish of Caligula, that the
Roman people had but one head.  Yet I shall presume to observe, that such a
wish is unworthy of an ingenious tyrant, since his revenge and cruelty would
have been extinguished by a single blow, instead of the slow variety of
tortures which Justinian inflicted on the victims of his anger.  His pleasures
were inexhaustible: neither private virtue nor public service could expiate
the guilt of active, or even passive, obedience to an established government;
and, during the six years of his new reign, he considered the axe, the cord,
and the rack, as the only instruments of royalty.  But his most implacable
hatred was pointed against the Chersonites, who had insulted his exile and
violated the laws of hospitality.  Their remote situation afforded some means
of defence, or at least of escape; and a grievous tax was imposed on
Constantinople, to supply the preparations of a fleet and army.  "All are
guilty, and all must perish," was the mandate of Justinian; and the bloody
execution was intrusted to his favorite Stephen, who was recommended by the
epithet of the savage.  Yet even the savage Stephen imperfectly accomplished
the intentions of his sovereign.  The slowness of his attack allowed the
greater part of the inhabitants to withdraw into the country; and the minister
of vengeance contented himself with reducing the youth of both sexes to a
state of servitude, with roasting alive seven of the principal citizens, with
drowning twenty in the sea, and with reserving forty-two in chains to receive
their doom from the mouth of the emperor.  In their return, the fleet was
driven on the rocky shores of Anatolia; and Justinian applauded the obedience
of the Euxine, which had involved so many thousands of his subjects and
enemies in a common shipwreck: but the tyrant was still insatiate of blood;
and a second expedition was commanded to extirpate the remains of the
proscribed colony.  In the short interval, the Chersonites had returned to
their city, and were prepared to die in arms; the khan of the Chozars had
renounced the cause of his odious brother; the exiles of every province were
assembled in Tauris; and Bardanes, under the name of Philippicus, was invested
with the purple.  The Imperial troops, unwilling and unable to perpetrate the
revenge of Justinian, escaped his displeasure by abjuring his allegiance: the
fleet, under their new sovereign, steered back a more auspicious course to the
harbors of Sinope and Constantinople; and every tongue was prompt to
pronounce, every hand to execute, the death of the tyrant.  Destitute of
friends, he was deserted by his Barbarian guards; and the stroke of the
assassin was praised as an act of patriotism and Roman virtue.  His son
Tiberius had taken refuge in a church; his aged grandmother guarded the door;
and the innocent youth, suspending round his neck the most formidable relics,
embraced with one hand the altar, with the other the wood of the true cross.
But the popular fury that dares to trample on superstition, is deaf to the
cries of humanity; and the race of Heraclius was extinguished after a reign of
one hundred years

[Footnote *: Of fear rather than of more generous motives.  Compare Le Beau
vol. xii. p. 64. - M.]

     Between the fall of the Heraclian and the rise of the Isaurian dynasty, a
short interval of six years is divided into three reigns.  Bardanes, or
Philippicus, was hailed at Constantinople as a hero who had delivered his
country from a tyrant; and he might taste some moments of happiness in the
first transports of sincere and universal joy.  Justinian had left behind him
an ample treasure, the fruit of cruelty and rapine: but this useful fund was
soon and idly dissipated by his successor.  On the festival of his birthday,
Philippicus entertained the multitude with the games of the hippodrome; from
thence he paraded through the streets with a thousand banners and a thousand
trumpets; refreshed himself in the baths of Zeuxippus, and returning to the
palace, entertained his nobles with a sumptuous banquet.  At the meridian hour
he withdrew to his chamber, intoxicated with flattery and wine, and forgetful
that his example had made every subject ambitious, and that every ambitious
subject was his secret enemy.  Some bold conspirators introduced themselves in
the disorder of the feast; and the slumbering monarch was surprised, bound,
blinded, and deposed, before he was sensible of his danger. Yet the traitors
were deprived of their reward; and the free voice of the senate and people
promoted Artemius from the office of secretary to that of emperor: he assumed
the title of Anastasius the Second, and displayed in a short and troubled
reign the virtues both of peace and war.  But after the extinction of the
Imperial line, the rule of obedience was violated, and every change diffused
the seeds of new revolutions.  In a mutiny of the fleet, an obscure and
reluctant officer of the revenue was forcibly invested with the purple: after
some months of a naval war, Anastasius resigned the sceptre; and the
conqueror, Theodosius the Third, submitted in his turn to the superior
ascendant of Leo, the general and emperor of the Oriental troops.  His two
predecessors were permitted to embrace the ecclesiastical profession: the
restless impatience of Anastasius tempted him to risk and to lose his life in
a treasonable enterprise; but the last days of Theodosius were honorable and
secure.  The single sublime word, "Health," which he inscribed on his tomb,
expresses the confidence of philosophy or religion; and the fame of his
miracles was long preserved among the people of Ephesus. This convenient
shelter of the church might sometimes impose a lesson of clemency; but it may
be questioned whether it is for the public interest to diminish the perils of
unsuccessful ambition.

     I have dwelt on the fall of a tyrant; I shall briefly represent the
founder of a new dynasty, who is known to posterity by the invectives of his
enemies, and whose public and private life is involved in the ecclesiastical
story of the Iconoclasts.  Yet in spite of the clamors of superstition, a
favorable prejudice for the character of Leo the Isaurian may be reasonably
drawn from the obscurity of his birth, and the duration of his reign. - I. In
an age of manly spirit, the prospect of an Imperial reward would have kindled
every energy of the mind, and produced a crowd of competitors as deserving as
they were desirous to reign.  Even in the corruption and debility of the
modern Greeks, the elevation of a plebeian from the last to the first rank of
society, supposes some qualifications above the level of the multitude.  He
would probably be ignorant and disdainful of speculative science; and, in the
pursuit of fortune, he might absolve himself from the obligations of
benevolence and justice; but to his character we may ascribe the useful
virtues of prudence and fortitude, the knowledge of mankind, and the important
art of gaining their confidence and directing their passions. It is agreed
that Leo was a native of Isauria, and that Conon was his primitive name.  The
writers, whose awkward satire is praise, describe him as an itinerant pedler,
who drove an ass with some paltry merchandise to the country fairs; and
foolishly relate that he met on the road some Jewish fortune-tellers, who
promised him the Roman empire, on condition that he should abolish the worship
of idols.  A more probable account relates the migration of his father from
Asia Minor to Thrace, where he exercised the lucrative trade of a grazier; and
he must have acquired considerable wealth, since the first introduction of his
son was procured by a supply of five hundred sheep to the Imperial camp.  His
first service was in the guards of Justinian, where he soon attracted the
notice, and by degrees the jealousy, of the tyrant.  His valor and dexterity
were conspicuous in the Colchian war: from Anastasius he received the command
of the Anatolian legions, and by the suffrage of the soldiers he was raised to
the empire with the general applause of the Roman world. - II.  In this
dangerous elevation, Leo the Third supported himself against the envy of his
equals, the discontent of a powerful faction, and the assaults of his foreign
and domestic enemies.  The Catholics, who accuse his religious innovations,
are obliged to confess that they were undertaken with temper and conducted
with firmness.  Their silence respects the wisdom of his administration and
the purity of his manners. After a reign of twenty-four years, he peaceably
expired in the palace of Constantinople; and the purple which he had acquired
was transmitted by the right of inheritance to the third generation. ^*

[Footnote *: During the latter part of his reign, the hostilities of the
Saracens, who invested a Pergamenian, named Tiberius, with the purple, and
proclaimed him as the son of Justinian, and an earthquake, which destroyed the
walls of Constantinople, compelled Leo greatly to increase the burdens of
taxation upon his subjects.  A twelfth was exacted in addition to every aurena
as a wall tax.  Theophanes p. 275 Schlosser, Bilder eturmeud Kaiser, p. 197. -
M.]

     In a long reign of thirty-four years, the son and successor of Leo,
Constantine the Fifth, surnamed Copronymus, attacked with less temperate zeal
the images or idols of the church.  Their votaries have exhausted the
bitterness of religious gall, in their portrait of this spotted panther, this
antichrist, this flying dragon of the serpent's seed, who surpassed the vices
of Elagabalus and Nero.  His reign was a long butchery of whatever was most
noble, or holy, or innocent, in his empire. In person, the emperor assisted at
the execution of his victims, surveyed their agonies, listened to their
groans, and indulged, without satiating, his appetite for blood: a plate of
noses was accepted as a grateful offering, and his domestics were often
scourged or mutilated by the royal hand.  His surname was derived from his
pollution of his baptismal font.  The infant might be excused; but the manly
pleasures of Copronymus degraded him below the level of a brute; his lust
confounded the eternal distinctions of sex and species, and he seemed to
extract some unnatural delight from the objects most offensive to human sense.
In his religion the Iconoclast was a Heretic, a Jew, a Mahometan, a Pagan, and
an Atheist; and his belief of an invisible power could be discovered only in
his magic rites, human victims, and nocturnal sacrifices to Venus and the
daemons of antiquity.  His life was stained with the most opposite vices, and
the ulcers which covered his body, anticipated before his death the sentiment
of hell-tortures.  Of these accusations, which I have so patiently copied, a
part is refuted by its own absurdity; and in the private anecdotes of the life
of the princes, the lie is more easy as the detection is more difficult.
Without adopting the pernicious maxim, that where much is alleged, something
must be true, I can however discern, that Constantine the Fifth was dissolute
and cruel.  Calumny is more prone to exaggerate than to invent; and her
licentious tongue is checked in some measure by the experience of the age and
country to which she appeals.  Of the bishops and monks, the generals and
magistrates, who are said to have suffered under his reign, the numbers are
recorded, the names were conspicuous, the execution was public, the mutilation
visible and permanent. ^* The Catholics hated the person and government of
Copronymus; but even their hatred is a proof of their oppression.  They
dissembled the provocations which might excuse or justify his rigor, but even
these provocations must gradually inflame his resentment and harden his temper
in the use or the abuse of despotism.  Yet the character of the fifth
Constantine was not devoid of merit, nor did his government always deserve the
curses or the contempt of the Greeks.  From the confession of his enemies, I
am informed of the restoration of an ancient aqueduct, of the redemption of
two thousand five hundred captives, of the uncommon plenty of the times, and
of the new colonies with which he repeopled Constantinople and the Thracian
cities.  They reluctantly praise his activity and courage; he was on horseback
in the field at the head of his legions; and, although the fortune of his arms
was various, he triumphed by sea and land, on the Euphrates and the Danube, in
civil and Barbarian war.  Heretical praise must be cast into the scale to
counterbalance the weight of orthodox invective.  The Iconoclasts revered the
virtues of the prince: forty years after his death they still prayed before
the tomb of the saint.  A miraculous vision was propagated by fanaticism or
fraud: and the Christian hero appeared on a milk-white steed, brandishing his
lance against the Pagans of Bulgaria: "An absurd fable," says the Catholic
historian, "since Copronymus is chained with the daemons in the abyss of
hell."

[Footnote *: He is accused of burning the library of Constantinople, founded
by Julian, with its president and twelve professors.  This eastern Sorbonne
had discomfited the Imperial theologians on the great question of image
worship.  Schlosser observes that this accidental fire took place six years
after the emperor had laid the question of image-worship before the
professors.  Bilder sturmand Kaiser, p. 294.  Compare Le Heau. vol. xl. p.
156. - M.]

     Leo the Fourth, the son of the fifth and the father of the sixth
Constantine, was of a feeble constitution both of mind ^* and body, and the
principal care of his reign was the settlement of the succession.  The
association of the young Constantine was urged by the officious zeal of his
subjects; and the emperor, conscious of his decay, complied, after a prudent
hesitation, with their unanimous wishes.  The royal infant, at the age of five
years, was crowned with his mother Irene; and the national consent was
ratified by every circumstance of pomp and solemnity, that could dazzle the
eyes or bind the conscience of the Greeks.  An oath of fidelity was
administered in the palace, the church, and the hippodrome, to the several
orders of the state, who adjured the holy names of the Son, and mother of God.
"Be witness, O Christ!  that we will watch over the safety of Constantine the
son of Leo, expose our lives in his service, and bear true allegiance to his
person and posterity." They pledged their faith on the wood of the true cross,
and the act of their engagement was deposited on the altar of St. Sophia.  The
first to swear, and the first to violate their oath, were the five sons of
Copronymus by a second marriage; and the story of these princes is singular
and tragic.  The right of primogeniture excluded them from the throne; the
injustice of their elder brother defrauded them of a legacy of about two
millions sterling; some vain titles were not deemed a sufficient compensation
for wealth and power; and they repeatedly conspired against their nephew,
before and after the death of his father.  Their first attempt was pardoned;
for the second offence ^! they were condemned to the ecclesiastical state; and
for the third treason, Nicephorus, the eldest and most guilty, was deprived of
his eyes, and his four brothers, Christopher, Nicetas, Anthemeus, and Eudoxas,
were punished, as a milder sentence, by the amputation of their tongues.
After five years' confinement, they escaped to the church of St. Sophia, and
displayed a pathetic spectacle to the people.  "Countrymen and Christians,"
cried Nicephorus for himself and his mute brethren, "behold the sons of your
emperor, if you can still recognize our features in this miserable state.  A
life, an imperfect life, is all that the malice of our enemies has spared.  It
is now threatened, and we now throw ourselves on your compassion." The rising
murmur might have produced a revolution, had it not been checked by the
presence of a minister, who soothed the unhappy princes with flattery and
hope, and gently drew them from the sanctuary to the palace.  They were
speedily embarked for Greece, and Athens was allotted for the place of their
exile.  In this calm retreat, and in their helpless condition, Nicephorus and
his brothers were tormented by the thirst of power, and tempted by a
Sclavonian chief, who offered to break their prison, and to lead them in arms,
and in the purple, to the gates of Constantinople.  But the Athenian people,
ever zealous in the cause of Irene, prevented her justice or cruelty; and the
five sons of Copronymus were plunged in eternal darkness and oblivion.

[Footnote *: Schlosser thinks more highly of Leo's mind; but his only proof of
his superiority is the successes of his generals against the Saracens,
Schlosser, p. 256. - M.]

[Footnote !: The second offence was on the accession of the young Constantine
- M.]

     For himself, that emperor had chosen a Barbarian wife, the daughter of
the khan of the Chozars; but in the marriage of his heir, he preferred an
Athenian virgin, an orphan, seventeen years old, whose sole fortune must have
consisted in her personal accomplishments.  The nuptials of Leo and Irene were
celebrated with royal pomp; she soon acquired the love and confidence of a
feeble husband, and in his testament he declared the empress guardian of the
Roman world, and of their son Constantine the Sixth, who was no more than ten
years of age.  During his childhood, Irene most ably and assiduously
discharged, in her public administration, the duties of a faithful mother; and
her zeal in the restoration of images has deserved the name and honors of a
saint, which she still occupies in the Greek calendar.  But the emperor
attained the maturity of youth; the maternal yoke became more grievous; and he
listened to the favorites of his own age, who shared his pleasures, and were
ambitious of sharing his power.  Their reasons convinced him of his right,
their praises of his ability, to reign; and he consented to reward the
services of Irene by a perpetual banishment to the Isle of Sicily.  But her
vigilance and penetration easily disconcerted their rash projects: a similar,
or more severe, punishment was retaliated on themselves and their advisers;
and Irene inflicted on the ungrateful prince the chastisement of a boy. After
this contest, the mother and the son were at the head of two domestic
factions; and instead of mild influence and voluntary obedience, she held in
chains a captive and an enemy.  The empress was overthrown by the abuse of
victory; the oath of fidelity, which she exacted to herself alone, was
pronounced with reluctant murmurs; and the bold refusal of the Armenian guards
encouraged a free and general declaration, that Constantine the Sixth was the
lawful emperor of the Romans.  In this character he ascended his hereditary
throne, and dismissed Irene to a life of solitude and repose.  But her haughty
spirit condescended to the arts of dissimulation: she flattered the bishops
and eunuchs, revived the filial tenderness of the prince, regained his
confidence, and betrayed his credulity.  The character of Constantine was not
destitute of sense or spirit; but his education had been studiously neglected;
and the ambitious mother exposed to the public censure the vices which she had
nourished, and the actions which she had secretly advised: his divorce and
second marriage offended the prejudices of the clergy, and by his imprudent
rigor he forfeited the attachment of the Armenian guards.  A powerful
conspiracy was formed for the restoration of Irene; and the secret, though
widely diffused, was faithfully kept above eight months, till the emperor,
suspicious of his danger, escaped from Constantinople, with the design of
appealing to the provinces and armies. By this hasty flight, the empress was
left on the brink of the precipice; yet before she implored the mercy of her
son, Irene addressed a private epistle to the friends whom she had placed
about his person, with a menace, that unless they accomplished, she would
reveal, their treason.  Their fear rendered them intrepid; they seized the
emperor on the Asiatic shore, and he was transported to the porphyry apartment
of the palace, where he had first seen the light.  In the mind of Irene,
ambition had stifled every sentiment of humanity and nature; and it was
decreed in her bloody council, that Constantine should be rendered incapable
of the throne: her emissaries assaulted the sleeping prince, and stabbed their
daggers with such violence and precipitation into his eyes as if they meant to
execute a mortal sentence.  An ambiguous passage of Theophanes persuaded the
annalist of the church that death was the immediate consequence of this
barbarous execution. The Catholics have been deceived or subdued by the
authority of Baronius; and Protestant zeal has reechoed the words of a
cardinal, desirous, as it should seem, to favor the patroness of images. ^*
Yet the blind son of Irene survived many years, oppressed by the court and
forgotten by the world; the Isaurian dynasty was silently extinguished; and
the memory of Constantine was recalled only by the nuptials of his daughter
Euphrosyne with the emperor Michael the Second.

[Footnote *: Gibbon has been attacked on account of this statement, but is
successfully defended by Schlosser. B S. Kaiser p. 327.  Compare Le Beau, c.
xii p. 372. - M.]

     The most bigoted orthodoxy has justly execrated the unnatural mother, who
may not easily be paralleled in the history of crimes.  To her bloody deed
superstition has attributed a subsequent darkness of seventeen days; during
which many vessels in midday were driven from their course, as if the sun, a
globe of fire so vast and so remote, could sympathize with the atoms of a
revolving planet.  On earth, the crime of Irene was left five years
unpunished; her reign was crowned with external splendor; and if she could
silence the voice of conscience, she neither heard nor regarded the reproaches
of mankind.  The Roman world bowed to the government of a female; and as she
moved through the streets of Constantinople, the reins of four milk-white
steeds were held by as many patricians, who marched on foot before the golden
chariot of their queen.  But these patricians were for the most part eunuchs;
and their black ingratitude justified, on this occasion, the popular hatred
and contempt.  Raised, enriched, intrusted with the first dignities of the
empire, they basely conspired against their benefactress; the great treasurer
Nicephorus was secretly invested with the purple; her successor was introduced
into the palace, and crowned at St. Sophia by the venal patriarch.  In their
first interview, she recapitulated with dignity the revolutions of her life,
gently accused the perfidy of Nicephorus, insinuated that he owed his life to
her unsuspicious clemency, and for the throne and treasures which she
resigned, solicited a decent and honorable retreat.  His avarice refused this
modest compensation; and, in her exile of the Isle of Lesbos, the empress
earned a scanty subsistence by the labors of her distaff.

     Many tyrants have reigned undoubtedly more criminal than Nicephorus, but
none perhaps have more deeply incurred the universal abhorrence of their
people.  His character was stained with the three odious vices of hypocrisy,
ingratitude, and avarice: his want of virtue was not redeemed by any superior
talents, nor his want of talents by any pleasing qualifications.  Unskilful
and unfortunate in war, Nicephorus was vanquished by the Saracens, and slain
by the Bulgarians; and the advantage of his death overbalanced, in the public
opinion, the destruction of a Roman army. ^* His son and heir Stauracius
escaped from the field with a mortal wound; yet six months of an expiring life
were sufficient to refute his indecent, though popular declaration, that he
would in all things avoid the example of his father.  On the near prospect of
his decease, Michael, the great master of the palace, and the husband of his
sister Procopia, was named by every person of the palace and city, except by
his envious brother.  Tenacious of a sceptre now falling from his hand, he
conspired against the life of his successor, and cherished the idea of
changing to a democracy the Roman empire.  But these rash projects served only
to inflame the zeal of the people and to remove the scruples of the candidate:
Michael the First accepted the purple, and before he sunk into the grave the
son of Nicephorus implored the clemency of his new sovereign.  Had Michael in
an age of peace ascended an hereditary throne, he might have reigned and died
the father of his people: but his mild virtues were adapted to the shade of
private life, nor was he capable of controlling the ambition of his equals, or
of resisting the arms of the victorious Bulgarians.  While his want of ability
and success exposed him to the contempt of the soldiers, the masculine spirit
of his wife Procopia awakened their indignation.  Even the Greeks of the ninth
century were provoked by the insolence of a female, who, in the front of the
standards, presumed to direct their discipline and animate their valor; and
their licentious clamors advised the new Semiramis to reverence the majesty of
a Roman camp.  After an unsuccessful campaign, the emperor left, in their
winter-quarters of Thrace, a disaffected army under the command of his
enemies; and their artful eloquence persuaded the soldiers to break the
dominion of the eunuchs, to degrade the husband of Procopia, and to assert the
right of a military election.  They marched towards the capital: yet the
clergy, the senate, and the people of Constantinople, adhered to the cause of
Michael; and the troops and treasures of Asia might have protracted the
mischiefs of civil war.  But his humanity (by the ambitious it will be termed
his weakness) protested that not a drop of Christian blood should be shed in
his quarrel, and his messengers presented the conquerors with the keys of the
city and the palace.  They were disarmed by his innocence and submission; his
life and his eyes were spared; and the Imperial monk enjoyed the comforts of
solitude and religion above thirty-two years after he had been stripped of the
purple and separated from his wife.

[Footnote *: The Syrian historian Aboulfaradj. Chron. Syr. p. 133, 139, speaks
of him as a brave, prudent, and pious prince, formidable to the Arabs. St.
Martin, c. xii. p. 402.  Compare Schlosser, p. 350. - M.]

     A rebel, in the time of Nicephorus, the famous and unfortunate Bardanes,
had once the curiosity to consult an Asiatic prophet, who, after
prognosticating his fall, announced the fortunes of his three principal
officers, Leo the Armenian, Michael the Phrygian, and Thomas the Cappadocian,
the successive reigns of the two former, the fruitless and fatal enterprise of
the third.  This prediction was verified, or rather was produced, by the
event.  Ten years afterwards, when the Thracian camp rejected the husband of
Procopia, the crown was presented to the same Leo, the first in military rank
and the secret author of the mutiny.  As he affected to hesitate, "With this
sword," said his companion Michael, "I will open the gates of Constantinople
to your Imperial sway; or instantly plunge it into your bosom, if you
obstinately resist the just desires of your fellow-soldiers." The compliance
of the Armenian was rewarded with the empire, and he reigned seven years and a
half under the name of Leo the Fifth.  Educated in a camp, and ignorant both
of laws and letters, he introduced into his civil government the rigor and
even cruelty of military discipline; but if his severity was sometimes
dangerous to the innocent, it was always formidable to the guilty.  His
religious inconstancy was taxed by the epithet of Chameleon, but the Catholics
have acknowledged by the voice of a saint and confessors, that the life of the
Iconoclast was useful to the republic.  The zeal of his companion Michael was
repaid with riches, honors, and military command; and his subordinate talents
were beneficially employed in the public service.  Yet the Phrygian was
dissatisfied at receiving as a favor a scanty portion of the Imperial prize
which he had bestowed on his equal; and his discontent, which sometimes
evaporated in hasty discourse, at length assumed a more threatening and
hostile aspect against a prince whom he represented as a cruel tyrant. That
tyrant, however, repeatedly detected, warned, and dismissed the old companion
of his arms, till fear and resentment prevailed over gratitude; and Michael,
after a scrutiny into his actions and designs, was convicted of treason, and
sentenced to be burnt alive in the furnace of the private baths. The devout
humanity of the empress Theophano was fatal to her husband and family.  A
solemn day, the twenty-fifth of December, had been fixed for the execution:
she urged, that the anniversary of the Savior's birth would be profaned by
this inhuman spectacle, and Leo consented with reluctance to a decent respite.
But on the vigil of the feast his sleepless anxiety prompted him to visit at
the dead of night the chamber in which his enemy was confined: he beheld him
released from his chain, and stretched on his jailer's bed in a profound
slumber.  Leo was alarmed at these signs of security and intelligence; but
though he retired with silent steps, his entrance and departure were noticed
by a slave who lay concealed in a corner of the prison.  Under the pretence of
requesting the spiritual aid of a confessor, Michael informed the
conspirators, that their lives depended on his discretion, and that a few
hours were left to assure their own safety, by the deliverance of their friend
and country.  On the great festivals, a chosen band of priests and chanters
was admitted into the palace by a private gate to sing matins in the chapel;
and Leo, who regulated with the same strictness the discipline of the choir
and of the camp, was seldom absent from these early devotions.  In the
ecclesiastical habit, but with their swords under their robes, the
conspirators mingled with the procession, lurked in the angles of the chapel,
and expected, as the signal of murder, the intonation of the first psalm by
the emperor himself.  The imperfect light, and the uniformity of dress, might
have favored his escape, whilst their assault was pointed against a harmless
priest; but they soon discovered their mistake, and encompassed on all sides
the royal victim.  Without a weapon and without a friend, he grasped a weighty
cross, and stood at bay against the hunters of his life; but as he asked for
mercy, "This is the hour, not of mercy, but of vengeance," was the inexorable
reply.  The stroke of a well-aimed sword separated from his body the right arm
and the cross, and Leo the Armenian was slain at the foot of the altar.

     A memorable reverse of fortune was displayed in Michael the Second, who
from a defect in his speech was surnamed the Stammerer.  He was snatched from
the fiery furnace to the sovereignty of an empire; and as in the tumult a
smith could not readily be found, the fetters remained on his legs several
hours after he was seated on the throne of the Caesars.  The royal blood which
had been the price of his elevation, was unprofitably spent: in the purple he
retained the ignoble vices of his origin; and Michael lost his provinces with
as supine indifference as if they had been the inheritance of his fathers.
His title was disputed by Thomas, the last of the military triumvirate, who
transported into Europe fourscore thousand Barbarians from the banks of the
Tigris and the shores of the Caspian.  He formed the siege of Constantinople;
but the capital was defended with spiritual and carnal weapons; a Bulgarian
king assaulted the camp of the Orientals, and Thomas had the misfortune, or
the weakness, to fall alive into the power of the conqueror.  The hands and
feet of the rebel were amputated; he was placed on an ass, and, amidst the
insults of the people, was led through the streets, which he sprinkled with
his blood.  The depravation of manners, as savage as they were corrupt, is
marked by the presence of the emperor himself.  Deaf to the lamentation of a
fellow-soldier, he incessantly pressed the discovery of more accomplices, till
his curiosity was checked by the question of an honest or guilty minister:
"Would you give credit to an enemy against the most faithful of your friends?"
After the death of his first wife, the emperor, at the request of the senate,
drew from her monastery Euphrosyne, the daughter of Constantine the Sixth.
Her august birth might justify a stipulation in the marriage-contract, that
her children should equally share the empire with their elder brother.  But
the nuptials of Michael and Euphrosyne were barren; and she was content with
the title of mother of Theophilus, his son and successor.

     The character of Theophilus is a rare example in which religious zeal has
allowed, and perhaps magnified, the virtues of a heretic and a persecutor.
His valor was often felt by the enemies, and his justice by the subjects, of
the monarchy; but the valor of Theophilus was rash and fruitless, and his
justice arbitrary and cruel.  He displayed the banner of the cross against the
Saracens; but his five expeditions were concluded by a signal overthrow:
Amorium, the native city of his ancestors, was levelled with the ground and
from his military toils he derived only the surname of the Unfortunate.  The
wisdom of a sovereign is comprised in the institution of laws and the choice
of magistrates, and while he seems without action, his civil government
revolves round his centre with the silence and order of the planetary system.
But the justice of Theophilus was fashioned on the model of the Oriental
despots, who, in personal and irregular acts of authority, consult the reason
or passion of the moment, without measuring the sentence by the law, or the
penalty by the offense.  A poor woman threw herself at the emperor's feet to
complain of a powerful neighbor, the brother of the empress, who had raised
his palace-wall to such an inconvenient height, that her humble dwelling was
excluded from light and air!  On the proof of the fact, instead of granting,
like an ordinary judge, sufficient or ample damages to the plaintiff, the
sovereign adjudged to her use and benefit the palace and the ground.  Nor was
Theophilus content with this extravagant satisfaction: his zeal converted a
civil trespass into a criminal act; and the unfortunate patrician was stripped
and scourged in the public place of Constantinople.  For some venial offenses,
some defect of equity or vigilance, the principal ministers, a praefect, a
quaestor, a captain of the guards, were banished or mutilated, or scalded with
boiling pitch, or burnt alive in the hippodrome; and as these dreadful
examples might be the effects of error or caprice, they must have alienated
from his service the best and wisest of the citizens.  But the pride of the
monarch was flattered in the exercise of power, or, as he thought, of virtue;
and the people, safe in their obscurity, applauded the danger and debasement
of their superiors. This extraordinary rigor was justified, in some measure,
by its salutary consequences; since, after a scrutiny of seventeen days, not a
complaint or abuse could be found in the court or city; and it might be
alleged that the Greeks could be ruled only with a rod of iron, and that the
public interest is the motive and law of the supreme judge.  Yet in the crime,
or the suspicion, of treason, that judge is of all others the most credulous
and partial.  Theophilus might inflict a tardy vengeance on the assassins of
Leo and the saviors of his father; but he enjoyed the fruits of their crime;
and his jealous tyranny sacrificed a brother and a prince to the future safety
of his life.  A Persian of the race of the Sassanides died in poverty and
exile at Constantinople, leaving an only son, the issue of a plebeian
marriage.  At the age of twelve years, the royal birth of Theophobus was
revealed, and his merit was not unworthy of his birth.  He was educated in the
Byzantine palace, a Christian and a soldier; advanced with rapid steps in the
career of fortune and glory; received the hand of the emperor's sister; and
was promoted to the command of thirty thousand Persians, who, like his father,
had fled from the Mahometan conquerors.  These troops, doubly infected with
mercenary and fanatic vices, were desirous of revolting against their
benefactor, and erecting the standard of their native king but the loyal
Theophobus rejected their offers, disconcerted their schemes, and escaped from
their hands to the camp or palace of his royal brother.  A generous confidence
might have secured a faithful and able guardian for his wife and his infant
son, to whom Theophilus, in the flower of his age, was compelled to leave the
inheritance of the empire.  But his jealousy was exasperated by envy and
disease; he feared the dangerous virtues which might either support or oppress
their infancy and weakness; and the dying emperor demanded the head of the
Persian prince.  With savage delight he recognized the familiar features of
his brother: "Thou art no longer Theophobus," he said; and, sinking on his
couch, he added, with a faltering voice, "Soon, too soon, I shall be no more
Theophilus!"